voluntary, in the sense of being left completely to the discretion of
the disclosers. In some cases, governments require corporations or
individuals to release information, and in others, intergovernmental
or nongovernmental organizations apply pressures that are not le-
gally binding but are nonetheless powerful. Yet those requirements
and pressures still leave substantial freedom of action to those who
must decide whether, and to what degree, to comply.
And the holders of information often face incentives to keep
information secret. Broadly speaking, transparency is valuable be-
cause it contributes to overcoming what social scientists call agency
problems. In all governance situations, principals (such as citizens
or shareholders) delegate responsibility to agents (such as a govern-
ment or a corporate board) to make decisions on their behalf. Prob-
lems arise because the principals are never able to perfectly monitor
their agents: they know less about the situation the agents face and
the actions they take than the agents themselves do. So the agents
may make misguided or self-serving decisions against the interests
of their unknowing, unseeing bosses.
Why do these information asymmetries occur? To some extent,
they are the unavoidable outgrowth of a useful division of labor.
Insiders such as government officials and corporate managers are
more informed than outsiders because the outsiders have delegated
management to them. Outsiders delegate responsibility in this way
partly because it is costly to become informed and make decisions.
(The other reason is that deliberating and making decisions is more
efficient with a smaller group.) If gathering and processing the infor-
mation required to make decisions were a simple matter, then there
would be less need for such representative governing institutions as
corporate boards and parliaments. Principals cannot acquire the full
range of information available to their agents without negating the
efficiency advantage of having agents.
But this division of labor creates opportunities that agents/in-
siders can readily exploit by withholding so much information that
accountability becomes difficult. Officials have strong motives for
keeping others ignorant of their behavior. One is that secrecy pro-
vides some insulation against being accused of making a mistake. It
is much easier for an official to deflect criticism if important infor-
mation about the situation the official faced, the decision that was
made, and who made it remains secret. A second incentive is that
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we do need a working definition, something good enough to make
for coherent analysis. Of whom is information being demanded?
What specific information is needed, and for what purposes?
One reason for the lack of precision is that the term is being used
in so many different issue areas. In politics, it is widely used to refer to
enabling citizens to gather information on the policies and behavior of
their governments.3 In economics, the Working Group on Transpar-
ency and Accountability of the Group of 22 defined it as “a process by
which information about existing conditions, decisions and actions is
made accessible, visible, and understandable.”4 In the security field, a
United Nations group defined transparency as involving the system-
atic provision of information on specific aspects of military activities
under informal or formal international arrangements.5
For the purposes of this book, it is most useful to employ a
broad definition: “transparency” refers to the degree to which infor-
mation is available to outsiders that enables them to have informed
voice in decisions and/or to assess the decisions made by insiders.
Such a definition gets us beyond the technological focus com-
mon to discussions of the information age. Technological determin-
ists assert that we are facing a future of living in a “transparent so-
ciety” largely because technology is making it increasingly difficult
for anyone to hide from scrutiny.6 The technology is indeed impres-
sive—private companies are now launching high-resolution imaging
satellites and selling the resulting data to the general public, video
cameras seem to be recording everything everywhere, and advances
in miniaturization are making it increasingly difficult for people to
know whether they are being observed by some minuscule monitor.7
But even the technological marvels now spreading around the
world will not make transparency inevitable. Indeed, some of the
same technologies that have fostered the information revolution are
being used to control the resulting flow of information. Technology
can certainly facilitate transparency, but whether it does so depends
on a range of policy choices. And much of the world’s progress to-
ward greater transparency in recent decades has not required par-
ticularly sophisticated information technology.
Instead, the kind of transparency that allows outsiders to hold
decision makers accountable and have informed say in decisions re-
quires that decision makers release information, both proactively and
in response to requests. The disclosures are not necessarily entirely
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secrecy provides the opportunity for special interests to have greater
sway. Relationships with special interests allow insiders to exchange
favorable policies for personal gain (in the form of naked bribery,
campaign contributions, or perks), but it is more difficult to main-
tain these profitable relationships when financial transactions and
the decision-making process are transparent.
The History and Current State of Transparency
Demands for open flows of information have a long history in both
politics and economics. Sweden claims pride of place as the first
country to have a law granting its citizens access to government-held
information, enacted in the late eighteenth century.8 But other coun-
tries have grappled with the issue for a long time. One of the framers
of the American Constitution, James Madison, wrote compellingly
on the importance of information in a democracy:
A popular Government, without popular information, or the
means of acquiring it, is but prologue to a farce or a tragedy; or
perhaps both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a
people who mean to be their own governors must arm them-
selves with the power which knowledge gives.9
In the private sphere, corporations have found themselves fac-
ing demands for disclosure of financial data for almost as long as
publicly held corporations have existed. Great Britain experimented
with disclosure laws starting in the mid-1800s. In the United States,
starting early in the 1900s, large numbers of small investors proved
able to put substantial political pressure on the government to in-
stitute corporate disclosure standards that would protect them from
deceit and insider dealings.
After World War II, with the expansion of governmental bu-
reaucracies in many countries and the emergence of multinational
corporations and large intergovernmental organizations came new
concentrations of power able to withhold information from people
whose lives they affected. At the same time, the Cold War led to the
rise of a highly secretive national security complex in the traditional
bastion of transparency, the United States.
Counterpressures to all this were limited, although there were
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