xviii FOREWORD
13. See Stiglitz (2006).
14. For instance, many constitutions (such as Mexico’s) do not allow the sale of a
country’s national resources; others (such as Bolivia’s) allow the sale of certain re-
sources only after ratifi cation by the legislature. In the case of Bolivia, questions were
raised about whether certain privatizations/concessions conformed to this constitu-
tional provision.
15. The recognition of the impossibility of complete contracts—and the conse-
quences of this—is one of the important advances of modern economic theory.
16. Elsewhere, I have written at length concerning the defi ciencies of these agree-
ments. See Stiglitz (forthcoming).
17. See, e.g., Shleifer and Vishny (1999).
18. See Hoff and Stiglitz (2004, forthcoming). The disappointments with the
privatizations in Rus sia and elsewhere in the economies in transition has led to a
large literature trying to explain the factors that contribute to a successful transition
and a successful privatization. Godoy and Stiglitz (2007) argue that privatization
played a far less important role than did the underlying institutional reforms. Stiglitz
(2000a) argues, in par tic u lar, that the lack of good corporate governance meant that
there were greater incentives for asset stripping and wealth creation; while Hoff and
Stiglitz (2004, forthcoming) argue that the way privatization was conducted actually
undermined the creation of a rule of law.
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